Evaluative Report Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Evaluative Report - Essay Example Each section in the report analyzes an important component of the essay written by me in order to establish the importance of academic writing skills in essay writing. TABLE OF CONTENTS 1.0 Introduction 2.0 Essay Structure 2.1 Essay Introduction Analysis 2.2 Essay Body Analysis 2.3 Essay Conclusion Analysis 3.0 Paragraph Structure 4.0 Linking/Connecting Ideas and Information 5.0 Integrating Evidence 6.0 Referencing 7.0 Conclusions/Recommendations 8.0 List of References 1.0 INTRODUCTION Academic writing is an integral part of most of the academic courses pursued in the current world, and the learners need to produce various types of academic papers such as ‘essay’, ‘position statement’, ‘report’, etc. Analyzing or evaluating one’s academic writing skills has great significance in the background of today’s higher education system as such assessments help in the improvement of academic writing process in the future. The possibilities of one’s career development in today’s academic scenario depend mainly on one’s ability to write convincingly according to the requirements of academic writing. In this evaluative report, a detailed analysis of my academic writing skills demonstrated in Assignment 4 (Essay – final copy) is carried out and it builds upon the structure developed in Assignment 3 (Monitoring – report). ... xiii). Broadly, academic writing may refer to any type of writing done in an academic setting. Essay: An essay may be defined as a short academic composition on a specific topic, having components such as introduction, thesis statement, topic sentences, body paragraphs, conclusion, etc. Position Statement: A position statement can be defined as a type academic paper which clarifies or describes a specific arguable point of view. 2.0 ESSAY STRUCTURE An academic essay is an essential element of academic writing, and it assesses a student’s aptitude to present his thoughts and ideas in a structured manner. An effective essay writing process starts with collecting crucial ideas about the topic, and it is essential to present these ideas in an organized way. Thus, an essay should begin with introducing the thesis and the main arguments in an interesting way, and it should be developed logically through the body-paragraphs, ending with a logical conclusion. Therefore, there are thre e main segments in an essay, i.e. the introduction, the body and the conclusion. 2.1 Essay Introduction Analysis In this section, an analysis of the introduction of the ‘Monitoring – Essay’ is carried out. The introductory section of the essay is as follows: The rate of people developing type 2 diabetes is soaring in the western world; Type 2 Diabetes in recent times was typically regarded as a disease of the middle-aged and elderly. While it still is true that this age-group sustain a higher risk, evidence shows that diagnoses of this disease in people aged less than 30 years is accelerating and in fact becoming quite common. Even once active children and

Main Rules and Features of Informative Speech Essay

Main Rules and Features of Informative Speech - Essay Example Before developing a good informative speech, it is vital to first pick a topic and thoroughly research on it in a specified time integrating ones experiences, understand its purpose, learn the time allocation for good time management and learn whom the audience is to be able to relate with them and guide their attention. A speech should also have a good arrangement of the information that one needs to include in a logical order. It is only after careful consideration of all these aspects and understanding of the audience that one can begin to write down his/her speech. Writing a Good Informative Speech Before writing the introduction of a speech, it is important to ensure that one has a good opening statement that would grab the attention of the audience. For my speech, I decided to start with a funny statement that related to current affairs with a strong predisposition to my audience. In the introduction of the speech, one should inform the audience what the speech is about and wha t the main points are going to be, for example, I informed my audience that I was going to talk about my hobbies, how they had influenced me positively and the importance of having such hobbies. The topic chosen might be very general so that one is able to narrow it down to a specific aspect that is relevant to the audience instead of a broad topic, which is partly covered leaving one's audience lost in the speech. Furthermore, the speech should also demonstrate a high degree of competence and self-confidence in the subject one is speaking about to his audience. This can be achieved by possessing facts and good background knowledge about the topic one has chosen, and the information one intends to relay to the audience should be clearly defined. One of the objectives I had in mind while choosing to talk about blood donation as a hobby was to inform the audience of the importance of donating blood by attempting to change or reinforce their behavior and attitude towards caring for one another. In addition, while addressing cooking as a hobby I explained that it had influenced my personal skills on invention and solving problems from different approaches.

Deer hunting Essay Example for Free

Deer hunting Essay Today deer hunting is one of the most popular types of hunting in South Georgia. Although there are several ways to hunt deer, the two most frequently used are rifle hunting and bow hunting. Both are a great way to spend the day hunting, but there are a few differences between the styles. The cost of rifle hunting is significantly higher due to the equipment needed. Some rifles can cost as much as two thousand dollars. With some additions to the rifle, like scopes costing just as much as the rifle itself; some rifle packages can range over five thousand dollars. Ammunition is also a high cost in rifle hunting. Boxes of ammunition can range up to twenty five dollars and can not be reused. The cost of bow hunting is lower than rifle hunting due to the low cost of the equipment. Most bows range between five hundred to a thousand dollars. The arrows for the bow can be sometimes be more costly than ammunition if a high quality arrow is purchased. However unlike the rifle ammunition, the arrows can be reused many times before they start to lose their effectiveness. The rifle hunting season does not start right when deer season actually begins. The deer are still abundant, but you are not able to hunt the first few weeks of deer season. The woods are also crowded with hunters during rifle season since more hunters rifle hunt than bow hunt. Bow hunting season starts right when deer season starts and gives you the opportunity to beat the crowds to the woods. This is a great time of the season to really enjoy the hunt without having to worry about running into another hunter. Since the big deer seem to be more prevalent during the first few weeks of the season; you may have the chance to see that big buck that you always wanted to see. Using a rife does increase your accuracy and range. With the proper scope, the rifle can have up to five times the range of a bow. However, wind speed  down range can affect the path of the bullet. It can sometimes be hard to discern what the wind is doing three hundred yards away from you. However since the rifle is so powerful, your aim does not have to be perfect to kill the deer. Using a bow means decreased accuracy and range. Bows do not typically come with scopes, but with open sights. This means that you rely on your eyes to line up the cross hairs versus a scope doing it for you. Wind direction and speed has an impact on arrows also. However since the range is limited, you can judge by the wind around you. This means it is easier to adjust for the wind shifting. Since a bow is less powerful the accuracy of the shot has to be near perfect to make a kill. Using a rifle during hunting also requires less skill as a hunter. Since the accuracy is so high at long ranges, stealth is not as crucial. A small understanding of the deer’s natural habits is needed. Since you have distance on your side you don’t have to be concerned so much over whether or not the deer can smell you or not. Rifle hunting is also considered one of the easier types of deer hunting and is used a lot by beginners. Using a bow however requires a lot more skill as a hunter. Since the accuracy and range of the bow is limited, you find you have to be extremely close to the deer to make a shot. Camouflage and stealth are critical elements in achieving this. You also have to have a fair amount of knowledge about the deer itself. Since the deer can smell you at this range you have to understand how to avoid the deer getting your scent. Bow hunting is considered a little harder and is used by seasoned hunters. Rifle hunting and bow hunting both will make your day more enjoyable no matter which one you choose. Rifle hunting will give you the assurance of knowing you can kill your first deer. However bow hunting will give you the thrill of the hunt and make you long to come back the next day to get that one you missed. After all, that’s why they call it hunting.

The Concept Of Laicite In France

The Concept Of Laicite In France In France laÃÆ' ¯cità © has shaped the relation between religion and the State through enhancing a separation between them. This separation has been possible thanks to the existence of a legislation that has relatively succeeded in drawing the lines for both sides. However, the societal developments have influenced their relations and raised many questions about the States role in the face of the challenges on the ground. And so laÃÆ' ¯cità © in theory has been found to be incompatible with laÃÆ' ¯cità © in practice. How laÃÆ' ¯cità © has been challenged over the past years and how the State has reacted towards the influence of religion are major issues. Therefore, should laÃÆ' ¯cità © accommodate itself in view of the changing facts on the ground? The debate is now whether laÃÆ' ¯cità © is a rigid concept that refuses to change and recognize the role of religion and peoples rights to freedom of belief, or a dynamic concept that embraces multiculturalism and f osters religious groups rights without affecting the neutrality of the State. So this paper will answer the question about whether laÃÆ' ¯cità © is a rigid or a dynamic concept in view of the challenges facing the State. French laÃÆ' ¯cità © is taken as a case study in order to scrutinize to this question. The paper starts with a definition of laÃÆ' ¯cità ©, it traces historical facts about its evolution, highlights the challenges that it has encountered, identifies the new laÃÆ' ¯cità © forms before concluding on its capacity to adapt to societal developments. 2 Definition of LaÃÆ' ¯cità © Quite a good number of researchers tend to use the laÃÆ' ¯cità © and secularization interchangeably in their works about the place of religion and the relation between state and religion. In fact the two terms hold different definitions regarding the connection between religion and state. Though in English the word secularization to describe the relationship between them, the French word laÃÆ' ¯cità © is used also in English to refer to the unique separation between religious institutions and the state. According to Olivier Roy (7-8: 2007) the two terms are dissimilar. On the one hand, secularization is a social phenomenon that does not require a political implementation and is not anti-religious and anti-clerical, and so the place is defined by the people themselves. On the other, laÃÆ' ¯cità © is a political choice that defines the place of religion in an authoritarian, legal manner, and so it is decreed by the state which organizes public space. Roy adds that it is a b ody of laws before being a system of thought (p.17). The term laÃÆ' ¯cità © was first used in the 1870s, as were its counter parts the verb laÃÆ' ¯ciser (to secularise) and the nouns laicisation (the action and the result of laÃÆ' ¯cità ©) and laÃÆ' ¯cisme (the doctrine of laÃÆ' ¯cità ©) (Jansen 476:2006). Moreover, the two terms are contrasted in this way à   la diffà ©rence du processus de sà ©cularisation mouvement qui sinscrit sur une longue durà ©e, la laÃÆ' ¯cità © relà ¨ve plutà ´t dune volontà © de la politique à ©tatique qui dà ©finit a la fois les institutions et une vie sociale conforme à   ses principes(Gà ¶le 77:2005). In this view, secularization is a social process that has evolved over a long period of time, while laÃÆ' ¯cità © entails a political decision on the state level. The historian Jean Bauberot has argued that laÃÆ' ¯cità © was the result of a condition in which the state had to destabilize religious institutions mainly Catholic- to assert its authority and ensure democratic liberties, whereas secularization should be viewed as a cultural transformation that has taken place mostly in countries with a Protestant culture (Caron 115:2007). Blandine Kriegel, president of the High Council for Integration, in an interview published in Le Monde defines laÃÆ' ¯cità © as follows: Tout simplement la neutralità © de lespace public qui permet à   une pluralità © de croyance et à   une multiplicità © de citoyens ayant des croyances diffà ©rentes de vivre ensemble de faà §on tolà ©rantes et respectueuses les uns des autres. 3 Evolution of LaÃÆ' ¯cità © After the Revolution of 1789, one finds two Frances. In one camp, there are those defending the notion of a homeland founded on the Catholic Church and the army, often being anti-Protestant, anti-Jew and anti-freemason; they are conservative, even reactionary, and often monarchist. In the other camp, one finds the defenders of the republican ideals of 1789 founded on Reason (not on Catholicism), freedom, religious tolerance, a strict separation between the public and the private domains (Brulard 176:2002. Moreover, a law that separated the Church from the State and abolished Le Concordat of 1801 was voted by la Chambre in July 1905 and by le Sà ©nat on 9 December 1905. Since then, France has had neither official religion nor a privileged religion (Brudy/Marcon 3:1995). The 1905 law complemented the 1901 law which forbade secular associations from having religious activities (Brulard 177:2002). It is important to point out that this law was not negotiated with the religious institutions since it was a legislative act; it is based on the principle of freedom of conscience; it is the implementation of the principle of laÃÆ' ¯cità ©; and it is however, not a creation of the State, it is fundamentally the realization of a long struggle for the human liberation and the secularization of the society (Scot 54-56: 2005). In order to protect the republican nature of the State, Republicans needed to develop an ideology that could replace Catholic Morality and that would spread the ideal of secular citizenship across the country (Jansen 477:2006). In a report titled Rapport sur la laÃÆ' ¯cità © et lobligation de là ©cole primaire the school is viewed as follows: Là ©cole devra donc à ªtre ce quon appelle en France laÃÆ' ¯que, en Hollande neutre, et dans les pays anglo-amà ©ricain unsectarian. (Journal Officiel de la Rà ©publique franà §aise, du 26 mai 1880) On 28 of March 1882 came the law known as the Ferry Law after the Minister of Public Instruction Jules Ferry, which effectively laicized public education (Fetzer/Soper 70:2005). In fact public education became crucial to prevent people from voting for an authoritarian (Catholic) regime (Jansen 477:2006). In 1946, after the trauma of war and occupation, the principle of laÃÆ' ¯cità © was enshrined in the constitution, and is one of the major characteristics of the republican state: France is an indivisible, secular, democratic, and social republic (Article 2 of the Constitution). In addition, the State does not subsidize the religious institutions according to Article 2 and guarantees freedom of worship according to Article 1. It is also important to mention in this respect that not only did the changes on the ground contribute to the shaping of the idea of secularism; but there were also the French Protestants, for whom, the cause of laÃÆ' ¯cità © was synonymous with that of freedom: their wish was to reconcile religion and freedom (Brulard 177:2002). The Protestants found refuge in laÃÆ' ¯cità © as it is the only guarantee for them as a minority to practice their religion without being discriminated against. As we have seen so far laÃÆ' ¯cità © was used, and is still used, to confront the influence of religion. Olivier Roy says that laÃÆ' ¯cità ©, historically a matter of dispute between the republican state and the Catholic Church is founded on anti-clericalism (18:2007). However, it aimed not to exclude believers but to define a space of neutrality (Roy 21:2007). 4 Challenges Confronting LaÃÆ' ¯cità © Since the 1970s, immigration penetrated the public and political spheres as a social problem of ethnic / cultural relations. From guest-workers, factors of production, immigrants came to be perceived as objects of political controversy defined in terms of citizenship and identity (Inà ¨s 182:2002) The debate about laÃÆ' ¯cità © started in the school. The school system is described as a sanctuary for preserving the French laÃÆ' ¯cità ©. The new diagnoses related to the threats against laÃÆ' ¯cità © emerged in school (Bertossi 17:2006). In 1989, two girls in Creil came to class wearing Muslim scarves. This raised a legal challenge to laÃÆ' ¯cità © as there are no school uniforms in French state schools, and it was unclear whether there was an explicit rule preventing pupils from wearing religious symbols (Laborde 52:2008). Since the republican school was conceived as a microcosm of republican political society: within its walls, children would learn to become citizens, a shared public identity that transcend their local, cultural and religious affiliations (Laborde 49:2008) Consequently, any religious sign is considered as a threat to the particularity of the educational system, which is supposed to be neutral, and of course a threat to the ideals of the Republic . The legislation of 15 of March 2004 reversed the 1905 approach to laÃÆ' ¯cità ©; instead of being an abstract principle of State neutrality. It was converted into an identity principle; instead of being exceptional cases of proselytism, according to the 1989 State Councils decision, the interdiction became the common law (Bertossi 19:2006). As a result of this law, laÃÆ' ¯cità © is no longer a matter of the place of religion and its relationship with the State, but rather it is a matter of the French identity (17:2006). This has shifted the discussion about laÃÆ' ¯cità © from its being discriminating against religious minorities to a national issue that concerns every French. 4. 1 The Challenge of Multiculturalism In France multiculturalism is looked down upon because it is perceived to reinforce particularist and divisive identities that threaten the unified French identity. It is believed that associating laÃÆ' ¯cità © with multiculturalism and the recognition of identità ©s collectives is the emphasis of the religious identities, and this emphasis will lead to the fragmentation of the society and pose a threat to liberty since the radical religious people will keep making more pressure (Cohen 5:2007). In the French approach towards the cultural diversity, individuals are to adhere to the body of the nation; they have to adhere to the national values. This model is often referred to as assimilationist because it does not admit the others difference of cultural particularism (Inà ¨s 183:2002). In the 1970s, the concept of assimilation was challenged because it was found that the State did not have the right to erase the regional or ethnic differences. As a result, the term integration was introduced to refer to an open process in which the fundamental values of French society have to be preserved, but without incurring total renunciation of the immigrants original culture(Inà ¨s 183;2002). The efficiency of integration measures is somewhat doubtful, as politicians on the Left and on the Right keep advocating policies which are contradictory: integrating on the one hand and control on the other (183: 2002). Since laÃÆ' ¯cità © has been also associated with the national identity as I have mentioned earlier, it is endangered since there some minorities which have debated the national history and all the controversial issues during the period of the French colonization. Some of these cultural minorities which come from French-colonized countries raise other issues besides the one related to religion. And so, multiculturalism in this context is seen as a threat to the universal values of Enlightenment that was at the basis of all the advancement in France (Cohen 7:2007). 4.2 The Challenge of Religious Groups The diversity inside the religious groups brings up the issue of the contradiction between the States position based on the constitution which requires it to intervene in the religious matters lordre privà ©, and the right of the small religious groups to equality (Cohen 4:2007). For instance, in Islam women are not considered as equal to men, however, men and women are equal according to the French values. Therefore, should the State intervene in matters pertaining to internal religious issues? If the State is to be involved directly in such sensitive issues for a reason or another, the social pressure is building up to push the State to impose equality between men and women (Cohen 4:2007). Moreover, the problem of the sects in France comes to the surface whenever the debate about laÃÆ' ¯cità © starts, even when the attention is, as it the case most of the time, directed to Islam as an issue of controversy. The sects are weighed in the same manner like the radical and dangerous groups which tend to be violent. The challenge is that the as long as the sects do not resemble any of the known monotheistic religions or Buddhism or Hinduism, they remain unrecognized by the State (Gà ¶le 3: 2005). Therefore, the question is whether the State should intervene on one side to ensure that equality is granted to all religious groups and on the other, to control the groups classified as dangerous (like the sects and the extremist groups). When these two conflicting issues are addressed to the State in order to resolve them, it is confronted with the Law of 1905, separation between the State and the Church and the neutrality of the State in regard to internal religious affairs ( Cohen 2:2007). In other words Olivier Roy adds that the phenomenon of sects is troubling to the French society, and the temptation to legislate against them is as strong as in the case of Islam (Roy 6: 2007). The challenge is to give a place to religions in the public domain without running the risk of any of them becoming hegemonic and recovering their institutional authority on individuals conscience. While the conception of laÃÆ' ¯cità © confines religion to the private domain, the headscarf affair raised the issue of social dimension of religion and demonstrated that religion and the surrounding society are far more intricately interrelated (Inà ¨s 186: 2002). In the light of the ongoing changes in the demographic texture in the French society, changes linked to the growing influence of religious minorities on the one hand on their own members and on the other, on the State itself, which should be neutral towards religion. Since the sects are gaining a place in France, the State is in a position of either legislating laws against them or accommodating them within the French society. But the question is who is to be recognized, so some criteria are developed to legalize the sects. Again the State is facing the challenge of deciding which sect can be considered as eligible for its respect global de lordre public (Cohen 3:2007). Besides, the debate goes even further in relation to religion. Which religion is defined as a religion by the State? To this end, the State has to include or exclude some religious groups. In both cases, it risks losing its impartiality, a value enshrined by the constitution. To expound the previous point, the secular State has no competence when it comes to assessing the validity of doctrine. In the case of the Church of Scientology in 1997, the ruling of the court was based on the fact that freedom of belief is one of the fundamental elements of French public liberties expressed in Article of the 1789 Declaration of Human and Citizens Rights and that article 1 of the Separation Law ensures freedom of conscience and beliefs subject to observance of public order, and considering article 9 of the European Convention recognizing religious freedom for all persons. (Proeschel 14: 2008). The ruling stated that there is thus no point in wondering whether the Church of Scientology constitutes a sect or a religion, as freedom of belief is absolute, that to the extent a religion can be defined by coincidence of two elements, an objective element, the existence of a community, even a small one, and a subjective element shared faith, the Church of Scientology can cl aim the title of a religion and develop its activities in all freedom, within the framework of the existing laws, including its missionary activities, or even those of proselytism (Proeschel 14:2007). The Commission Stasi published a report on 11 of December 2003 in which it recommended the interdiction of religious signs in public schools as well as the fight against urban and social discrimination against racism and anti-Semitism, the appointment of Muslim chaplain in public institutions such as hospitals, prisons and the military and the creation of new public holidays. Only the first recommendation was finally implemented with 15 March 2004 and became a law. Yet, this law has been criticized over the compatibility of such ban with European Convention on Human Rights. In their turn official republicans point out to a number of decisions by the European Court of Human Rights which have recognized that a state like Turkey which is the only other laÃÆ' ¯que state in Europe may have a legitimate interest in preserving a secular public sphere (Laborde 59: 2008). Furthermore, the French State reacted towards the growing challenge of Islam by setting up a committee at the initiative of the Ministry of the Interior and Religions and chaired by Jean-Pierre Machelon who made a report in 2006. He came up with a plan to enable local authorities to make direct grants for construction of buildings for religious purposes within their boundaries (Proeschel 11:2008). Given the challenges facing the State, new laÃÆ' ¯cità © politics developed around two main issues. On the one hand, it focused on the so-called fight against collective ethnic and religious identities, what is referred to as communautarisme. On the other, counter- arguments emphasized the anti-discrimination agenda and used notions such as Islamophobia to describe the new context. The issue of gender equality appeared at the intersection of both lines of this debate (Bertossi 17:2006) In a report for the United Nations Commission on Human Rights titled Civil and Political Rights, Including the Question of Religious Intolerance submitted in 2005 by Asma Jahangir, Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Religion and Belief, the Special Rapporteur has observed that the government may have contributed to a climate of general suspicion and intolerance towards those communities on the list created by the National Assembly in 1996, of movements and groups classified as sects (109). And the report adds [a] number of improvements à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦remain to be carried out to ensure that the right to freedom of religion or belief of all individuals is guaranteed (à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦) (110). And in paragraph 97 in the report, the Special Rapportuer à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦considers that a thorough assessment of [laÃÆ' ¯cità ©s] application in the present context of religious pluralism is a necessary process in democratic society based on the rule of the law. 5 Forms of LaÃÆ' ¯cità ©s As a result of the controversies about laÃÆ' ¯cità © and the changes that have taken place in the French society; flow of immigrants with different cultural heritages and religions. The French State has found itself in a position where it needs to make decisions and respond to the rights of the religious groups. Two types of laÃÆ' ¯cità © have developed throughout past years; the soft laÃÆ' ¯cità © and the strict laÃÆ' ¯cità ©. The dichotomies between the two show the degree to which laÃÆ' ¯cità © is being challenged in the French society. Many of the supporters of soft laÃÆ' ¯cità © accuse the proponents of the strict form of trying to make secularist laÃÆ' ¯cità © the state religion in France (Fetzer/Soper 74:2005). In fact, Olivier Roy says that laÃÆ' ¯cità © is moving towards becoming a dogma (22:2007). A few defenders of soft laÃÆ' ¯cità © also lament that the strict version tends to sterilize the society of all cultural diversity and to strip public school students of all individuality (Fetzer/Soper 75:2005). In her book Critical Republicanism The Hijab Controversy and Political Philosophy, Cecile Laborde exposes the ongoing debate about laÃÆ' ¯cità © and identifies two versions of tolerant republican laÃÆ' ¯cità © towards the case for allowing religious signs in the schools. The first version, secular laÃÆ' ¯cità ©, it might be an appealing ideal, but on no plausible interpretation does it mandate that school childrens right to wear religious clothing be restricted. The second version of tolerant republican challenge goes further, and casts doubts on the laÃÆ' ¯que ideal itself (80:2008). She also adds in her criticism of the tolerant laÃÆ' ¯cità © the following: As separation is no more than a historical myth, and the French public sphere is far from neutral in the laÃÆ' ¯que sense, contextual fairness demands that privileges historically granted to Catholics be extended to minority religions such as Islam. Tolerant republicanism, therefore, substitutes pragmatic even-handedness between religious groups to abstentionist neutrality, and allows for the recognition of collective religious identities in the public sphere (80:2008). In addition to the two versions of tolerant republican laÃÆ' ¯cità ©, comes official republican ideal of laÃÆ' ¯cità ©, according to which, republican equality is best promoted through maintenance of secular nature of public sphere and non-interference by the state in religious matters. Finally, critical republicans in contrast to both official and tolerant republicans explicitly confront this complex question and believe that answering it would go a long way towards addressing the legitimate grievances of Muslims in relation to the existing practices of European State (Laborde 89:2008). Critical republicans tend to be fairly tolerant of the religious expression of ordinary citizens, but they adopt a less tolerant stance towards display of religious allegiance or support by the state institutions (86:2008). All in all, there are three attitudes that can be defined in relation to laÃÆ' ¯cità ©. Some, advocating an open laÃÆ' ¯cità © , are concerned with the free exercise of religion, but are also tempered by a revision of the 1905 law. Those favoring a laÃÆ' ¯cità © in movement are sensitive to social and religious change, but remain faithful to the history of the secular ideal. Finally, the more militant laics defend the French republican model by denouncing the dangers of communautarisme and calling for the strengthening of the 1905 law (Caron 117: 2007). 6 Conclusion In the light of the societal developments in the French society, laÃÆ' ¯cità © has encountered great challenges stemming mainly from the claims by the cultural and religious minorities. These minorities, and in particular, Muslims, have simply demanded that their rights to freedom of belief and expression be guaranteed by laÃÆ' ¯cità ©, but instead of granting them their rights, they have been confined to more restrictions in expressing these rights. Ironically, their requests have been estimated to be a threat to laÃÆ' ¯cità © and, of course, to the national identity. There is no doubt that laÃÆ' ¯cità © has evolved over the past years; an open form has come to existence as a result of the stagnation in the process of recognizing the religious groups rights More than one hundred years has passed since the 1905 Law, and the sects and other religious groups are still seeking the States recognition. Though laÃÆ' ¯cità © requires the State to be neutral in matters of religion as they belong to the private domain (lordre privà ©), it has practically failed to curb the States intervention in the internal affairs of the religious groups. Ingemund Hagg says in a paper presented in 2005 in Bulgaria that là ©tat laÃÆ' ¯que is an ideal but 100 years of French history shows that it is difficult to obtain, it has to develop in steps, and within new steps in accordance with societal development in each particular country Consequently, the fact that laicite is not perceived in the same way by its proponents; some believe that it is the only guarantee for freedom of belief and that the State instead of being neutral is abusing the rights of religious minorities under the pretext of protecting laÃÆ' ¯cità © itself. Therefore, laÃÆ' ¯cità © does not, as Claude Proeschel says in the end of her article French LaÃÆ' ¯cità © Confronted with New Challenges involve ignoring religious facts. It requires not mere tolerance on the part of the State, but active organization(15:2007). In that sense, it does embrace differences, but its implementation by the State that renders it rigid. As a result, laÃÆ' ¯cità © as a concept is rigid given the States practices towards the religious groups, but again it is dynamic regarding the controversies about it; different trends of laÃÆ' ¯cità © soft or open. Therefore, in theory, it is dynamic, but in practice, it is rigid. No. of Characters is 23 282.

The Nature Approach :: essays research papers

The Nature Approach   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  There are two ways in which sociologists study human behavior. The Nature approach and the Nurture approach. The Nature approach has many claims. One is; the whole universe is deterministic and follows unavoidable sequences of cause, leading to effect. What this generally means is that all the events in the world that occur are pre-determined. By what you ask? Nature (laws of physics, for example). Another claim of the Nature Approach is that man is like a puppet on strings of nature. If one wants to control man, all one has to do is find the strings. This can only be done if it is for the well being of man. Anything that man is driven to do is because of mechanics of nature; there is simply no such thing as free will. Above all, even human thought is caused and is mere epiphenomenon, which is a secondary and inconsequential effect of a main event. Any thought in which man has, are not their own thoughts, but just a part of nature. On the opposite end of the spectrum, there is the Nurture approach. For centuries, conventional wisdom has held that parental nurturing will definitively shape a human’s personality and behavior. According to believers of the Nurture approach, it's the assumption that what makes human beings turn out the way they do, aside from their genes, the environmental part of human development, is the experiences they have in society, and in particular the experiences they have with the people they encounter. The origins of the nurture approach are stemmed from the studies of Copernicus and Galileo. Galileo was an Italian astronomer, natural philosopher, and one of the central architects of modern science. In his Two Chief World Systems, he set forth the idea that the sun was the center of the universe, rather than the earth. Forced to recant and forbidden to teach or talk about his views, Galileo is said to have muttered in the stillness of his room, 'Still it turns' in reference to the rotation of the earth around the sun. Galileo decentered the earth and by extension all theology which holds that the earth and creatures upon it were a special act of creation. Now, let's say we were examining an experiment performed on a set of identical twins. Twins are born with the same genetic makeup, which has been shaped by this world.

Looking Backward by Edward Bellamy Essay -- essays research papers

Looking Backward   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The book Looking Backward was written by Edward Bellamy and published in the year 1888. Bellamy started off his career as a journalist but then married and decided to devote his efforts to writing fiction novels. Looking Backward was published and Bellamy was famous. The book stirred around the country and had people imagining a world like the one Bellamy created in his book. The idea of a utopia as the one he describes is unbelievable. His book is what people, of even now in the twenty first century, wish the world could possible be like. However, Bellamy’s world of reasoning and judging of people based on the inner beliefs was not what people of then or now do. Bellamy’s book showed a world of rationality being applied to create a world of down right good and generous people. If rationality was every used to create a wholesome war-hearted society than the picture that Bellamy envisioned would be true today. Bellamy built his utopia upon the positio n that individuals did not compete with one another.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The story starts with a preface that explains the sum of the story. The story introduces the fact that Bellamy is writing as if it is already the twentieth century and the world is looked at through rationality. Bellamy uses the character Julian West to represent industrialization and how his utopia are used as the answers is used as the answers to industrialization problems, and Dr. Leete to represe...

Environmental Assessment of the Asopos River Basin

Presentation of Asopos River BasinEtymology – MythologyAsopos: ( Grecian: I ) from Asis, Greek: I†  ( = I ) , intending â€Å"marsh ( or Moor ) † and Opsis Greek: I , intending â€Å"appearance† . ASOPOS ( or Asopus ) was a River-God of Boiotia in cardinal Greece, and Sikyonia in the Peloponnesos, southern Greece. Naiades, Asopos’ 20 girls, were H2O nymphs who had names of Greek island towns.LocationIn a study of Ministry of Environment, Physical Planning and Public Works ( MoEPPW ) in 2006, it is referred that a entire country of 12,341 kilometers2is occupied by Water District 07 of East Sterea Ellada. This country consists of the Prefecture of Evoia, major parts of the Prefectures of Fthiotida ( 83.1 % ) , Voiotia ( 98.5 % ) , Fokida ( 41.9 % ) and smaller parts of the Prefectures of Magnisia ( 14.9 % ) and Attica ( 7.2 % ) . River Basin of Voiotikos Kifissos River, River Basin of Sperchios River and River Basin of Asopos River are the chief River Basins of the Water District referred above. Other important H2O organic structures located in that country are lakes Iliki and Paralimni. In the Figure below is presented the Water District 07 of East Sterea Ellada. The entire surface country of Asopos River Basin – which is located in East Attica and Voiotia Districts ( Central Greece ) and flows from West to east – is 450 kilometer2and extends to Evoikos Gulf. The entire length of Asopos is 57 kilometer, holding its beginnings in Elikona mountain, and some watercourses from Parnitha and Dervenochoria Mountains. Its flow watercourse base on ballss through Asopia, Inofyta, Schimatari, enters the part of north-east Attica and eventually meets the sea near Oropos laguna, in north Evoikos Gulf, as shown in the Figure below. Vertical tectonic motions, of different grades of strength resulted in the creative activity of Asopos’ River Basin. That is the ground why the basin is non homogeneously developed and has differences in deposit in different places. The part studied – piece of the Sub-Pelagonian zone – has a particular geological formation. More specifically it is constituted by three chief units:the crystalline cellar stone ( schists, schists with psammitic stones, schists with marbles and sipoline embolisms )the alpine cellar stones ( limestones and dolomites of Triassic and Jurassic age )the post-alpine deposits ( Neogene lignite-bearing sedimentations, marly formations with lignite embolisms, pudding stones, marly limestones and travertines, and other coarse unconsolidated stuff ) .A hydrogeological analysis of Asopos’ River Basin, concluded that semi-pervious formations of Neogene-Quarternary, extremely pervious formations of calcite and other imperviable formations cover the 55 % , 41 % and 4 % of the River Basin severally. The unequal spring H2O flow every bit good as the extended being of formations made by karst convert precipitation to direct infiltration further restricting surface H2O flow. As a consequence, the bulk of the H2O flow derive from natural or semi-processed industrial or domestic wastewaters. In dry periods, the H2O flow eliminates highly and the sea H2O enters the estuary of the river for 100s of metres. In a research of the Institute of Geology and Mineral Exploration ( I.G.M.E. ) in 1996 the coefficients of the surface drainage and infiltration were estimated to 0.19 and 0.25 severally. In the same research the appraisal of the one-year discharge is 70.1 hectometer3.Surface and Groundwater{ The fact that the H2O of the downpours penetrates into the constructions of groundwater, due to the widespread parts of limestone made by karst, consequences in an disconnected interaction between the two sides of the channel. As a consequence the hydrographic web of Asopos is non peculiarly good developed. In the yesteryear, despite its big catchment country, Asopos itself held H2O merely for a really short period. The ground was the fast incursion of the H2O from the surface into the aquifer. Nowadays, there are sections of Asopos that have H2O event in the summer, as a consequence of smaller subdivisions that enter the river. The Asopos’ River Basin has merely specific countries with impenetrable formations ( clay sedimentations, schists ) . As a consequence the H2O flow of the watercourse is non uninterrupted, apart from little downpours that keep a H2O flow for a specific clip period ( i.e. the Lantikos and thes Gouras ) . Streams like the Liveas ( in the Northwest of Malakasa ) have seasonal H2O flow. Other streams – the longest 1s – are the Potisiona, the Sklirorrema and the Vathi ( drain in its north side ) . Streams that drain of the south side of the basin are the Lykorrema, the Xerias, the Bresiko etc. A study conducted by Ministry of Environment, Physical Planning and Public Works ( MoEPPW ) in 2006, reports that there is an indicant of pollution caused by high organic tonss caused by industrial and urban wastes every bit good as agricultural tally offs in Asopos’ catchment country. The consequences – findings of that research were high concentrations of nitrates and P in Asopos River. Equally far as the groundwater quality is concerned, its features were classified into two separate classs: the ions and the hint elements. Some of the consequences of the survey of the Institute of Geology and Mineral Exploration ( I.G.M.E. ) ( Gianoulopoulos, 2008 ) are:the chief beginning of the nitrates are the N fertilisers, which are used in the agricultural sector. Additionally, the being of ammoniacal and nitrite ions is due to the urban and industrial pollution beginnings.There is increased concentration of Cl–and PO4ions, which are consequence of industrial pollution beginnings.The figure below shows the precipitation and the average temperature of the part of Asopos for the period October 1999 to September 2010. The informations are taken from the meteoric Stationss at Kallithea, Tanagra and Marathon. As we can easy detect the one-year mean precipitation degrees are 534.5 millimeters, 502.9 millimeter and 625 millimeter severally. Equally far as the mean one-year ai r temperature is 16.7OC and 17.5OC at the Tanagra and Marathon Stationss severally.Areas of Asopos categorized by usageThe country of Asopos has H2O demands for industry, agribusiness, abode and touristry. The survey about Asopos River Basin has to take into consideration that H2O demands and measure the distribution of that needs among the utilizations. There is a demand to specify the sectors that put more force per unit area in H2O usage. For the industrial sector, H2O usage takes topographic point for rinsing and colourising ( fabrics ) , steel production, cement production, oil processing, energy production etc. Sing the touristry sector of economic system and domestic sector ( families ) H2O usage concerns the H2O supply for place usage by the authorized provider. The prioritization of H2O usage in Asopos River Basin is as follows:Water supply of families, touristic units and vacation placeIrrigation of cultivated countries and farm animal unitsIndustrial H2O usageIn the figur e below the land usage of Asopos River Basin is presented. More specifically, the ecru colour represents the agricultural usage and the light purple the industrial usage.Demographic DataPermanent PopulationThe lasting population of Asopos River Basin as reported at 2001 Census is given in the tabular array below: For the Municipalities / Communes that do non fall entirely within Asopos River Basin, merely the lasting population of the subsequent Municipal Departments and urban vicinities that are included in Asopos River Basin was calculated.EmploymentTaking a expression at the Table below, which is harmonizing to informations from the Labor Force Survey of the National Statistical Service of Greece, we observe that the entire population of working age is divided into two big classs – the economically active population and the economically inactive population. The economically active population is divided into the employed and the unemployed. The employed are people with age greater than or equal to 10 old ages, who had worked even for merely an hr during the mention hebdomad ( for wage or net income or in household concern ) . Unemployed are people with age greater than or equal to 10 old ages, who did non hold work during the mention hebdomad, were presently available for work and we re either actively seeking work in the past four hebdomads or had already found a occupation to get down within the following three months. In economically inactive population belong those individuals who neither classified as employed nor as unemployed. Taking into consideration the information given by the Table above in combination with the definitions given, we can easy detect that the entire economically active population – in other words the work force – of Asopos River Basin in 2001 was 31,764 people. Out of these people 28,837 are employed – 90.8 % of the entire economically active population – and 2,927 are unemployed – 9.2 % of the entire economically active population. Equally far as the employing sectors is concerned, in the primary sector are employed about 19.8 % of the sum of employed people and about 9.8 % of the entire population ( economically active and economically inactive people ) . In the secondary sector are employed about 28 % of the sum of employed people and about 14 % of the entire population of Asopos River Basin. Finally, in the third sector are employed about 35.2 % of the sum of employed people, whereas about 17.4 % of the entire population of Asopos River Basin. As shown in the Table below people that work in the primary and secondary sector are about 24 % ( 9.8 % + 14 % ) of the resident population of Asopos River Basin over 15 old ages old, whereas in the third sector is occupied about the 18 % of the resident population of Asopos River Basin over 15 old ages old. On the other manus in Athens country occupants over 15 old ages old who are occupied in the primary and secondary sector are 11 % , whereas those who are occupied in the third sector are about the 32 % . Overall we can detect that the primary and secondary sector are more developed in Asopos River Basin than in Athens country, whereas the third sector is much more developed in Athens country.The ProblemDescriptionTaking into history the fact that Asopos part supports 1300 industries and related installations – nutrient and drink industries, agrochemical, metal processing etc. – it is considered as the largest industrial part of Greece. 1970 was the decate that indus trial activity started in the country of Asopos and more specifically in Schimatari and Inofita. To show some Numberss for the significance of the job of this country, we refer that 130 units of the bing 1s produce waste Waterss during their operational maps ( production ) . Equally far as the waste Waterss are concerned, the entire day-to-day produced measure is about 9,044 m3/day. 84 % of that measure is due to industrial waste Waterss. More specifically, this measure is split in 7,605 m3/day and 1,439 m3/day, the entire day-to-day measure of waste Waterss of the industrial units of the country and the entire day-to-day measure of waste Waterss of the employees of these units severally. Taking a glimpse at the Table below, which is a study from a study of M. Loizidou in 2009, we can easy detect that the chief sectors from which the bulk of waste Waterss come from are the sectors of â€Å"Textile and leather industries† , â€Å"Metallurgy related industries† and †Å"Industries of Foods and Drinks† at 25 % , 21 % and 30 % severally.Consequences – ImpactsThe estimated impacts of industrial sector on Asopos River Basin are fundamentally environmental and societal impacts. More specifically the environmental impacts of industrial pollution in Asopos catchment consist in catastrophe of biodiversity – fish and invertebrates, birds on estuary – and in the pollution and decrease of groundwater. On the other manus the societal impacts of industrial pollution in Asopos catchment are impacts on human wellness – from ingestion of contaminated agricultural merchandises and groundwater, impacts on local economic system, which is because of increased cost for imbibing H2O for families, increased cost for local agricultural manufacturers, increased cost for nutrient industries, and lessening of tourers for local tourer companies. Finally, other societal impacts of industrial pollution of Asopos River Basin are impacts on diversion of local occupants every bit good as visitants ( touristry ) .Choice Experiment Method on Asopos CaseUsing the Choice Experiment Method on the Asopos Case, the research workers targeted to measure a package of betterments, which could take topographic point in the Asopos River Basin. This package of betterments includes:Environmental conditions described in footings of ecological position in all H2O organic structures of the catchmentImpact on the local economic system in footings of tourism/recreation, demand for local production and cost of life for families andImpact on human wellness described as handiness of H2O with a quality and measure sufficient for fulfilling different local utilizations.The package of betterments is a mixture of usage and non-use values. As usage value is defined the values that people derive from the direct usage of a good. Examples of usage value are runing, fishing, or boosting. Use values may besides include indirect utilizations. For illustration, a particular part offers direct usage values to the people who visit the country. Others could hold fun watching about this part in a Television show. In that manner they would have indirect usage values. As non-use value is defined the value that people assign to economic goods ( including public goods ) even if they ne'er have and ne'er will utilize it. Non-use value as a class may include:â€Å" option value † – the value placed on single willingness to pay for keeping an plus or resource even if there is small or no likeliness of the person really of all time utilizing it, happening because of uncertainness about future supply ( the continued being of the plus ) and possible hereafter demand ( the possibility that it may someday be used ) .â€Å" bequest value † – values placed on single willingness to pay for keeping or continuing an plus or resource that has no usage now, so that it is available for future coevalss.â€Å" Existence value â€Å" – an unusual and slightly controversial category of economic value, reflecting the benefit people receive from cognizing that a peculiar environmental resource, such as Antarctica, the Grand Canyon, en dangered species, Sharri Dogs or any other being or thing exists.â€Å" selfless value † – the value placed on single willingness to pay for keeping an plus or resource that is non used by the person, so that others may do usage of it. Its value arises from others ‘ usage of the plus or resource.The method of Choice Experiments was chosen because since it is a conjectural survey-based method, it can quantify the public-service corporation every bit good as the Willingness To Pay ( WTP ) for different conjectural degrees of each property examined. In add-on, in Choice Experiments the respondent chooses between options, as packages of properties, doing picks ensuing to a lower danger for strategic prejudice – yeah stating, in the replies. Finally, it is one of the best ways to measure non-market resources, options and properties.Sampling – Survey MethodExcept for the necessitate of rating of the socio-economic and environmental effects related with th e debasement of the basin, the survey that took topographic point aimed to look into the manner the two different populations – that of the occupants of Asopos ( rural population ) and that of the occupants of Athens ( urban population ) – give value to the same package of proposed betterments. Apart from the socio-demographic composing that has motivated this sampling, another ground for that is the different manner those populations experience the debasement of the environment due to location and economic dependance on the country. One of the chief grounds why two different samples were chosen was that the purpose of the survey was to happen out usage and non-use values. As a consequence the mark population was the occupants of the Asopos River Basin, where the study took topographic point, because they would be straightforward affected by possible alterations in H2O direction. On the other manus occupants of Athinais were included in the study, because they were in close propinquity to Asopos River Basin. The study was conducted by door-to-door interviews. The interviews took topographic point in families and one grownup per house participated. Quota sampling was followed harmonizing to 2001 Census informations in order the samples to be every bit representative as possible. Finally, 25 % of the occupants were called. During the procedure of the interview were used suited showcards, which described the alternate scenario utilizing images. The census taker gave simple descriptions of the inquiries, read aloud. In that manner the census takers could break illustrate policy results to respondents in footings of properties and degrees.